Situating Educational Thought

One particular insight that I came across in a secondary source (Foucault and Marxism: rewriting the theory of historical materialism, Mark Olssen), is that Foucault intentionally situates discourses in terms of other discourses. In hindsight, this seems like an obvious idea to me; after all, Foucault’s philosophy emphasizes interconnectedness to an amazing extent. With this in mind I began looking for other discourses that I could frame the educational within. I did not have to look very far, I chanced upon a strongly related, but much more pervasive, neoliberal discourse.

   

I have, up until now, thought of neoliberalism in a global economic sense. The trends and processes that have led to the distinction and decline of the third-world, as well as the proliferation of the power of the international corporation. However, it seems that free-market ideology is, according to many sociologist, much more prevalent in the public or civil sphere.  

                Most of these secondary sources are by the sociologist Henry Giroux are oriented towards the explication of neoliberal politics and their effects on democracy. Namely, that neoliberal thought opposes and subverts democratic ideals. In the context of higher education, Giroux contends that neoliberal thought has compelled many universities to adopt a business like model. This business model leads to more corporate influence in higher education and in curriculums geared more towards preparation for the workplace and less for the critical thought necessary to make informed democratic decisions. An increased emphasis on professional studies, in other words, on instrumental skills, runs counter to the emphasis on critical thinking.

                As I continue I will look to see to what extent Giroux’s ideas are relevant to my discussion of curriculum change here at Drury and how his ideas of these driving forces pan out in terms of Foucault’s thoughts. It is possible that neoliberal political ideas could explain how power is distributed, or how power distribution is changing.

Giroux, Henry A. Against the Terror of Neoliberalism: Politics beyond the Age of Greed. Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2008.

Giroux, Henry A. Twilight of the Social: Resurgent Publics in the Age of Disposability. Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2012. 

Posing a Threat

The closest anyone has ever come to dismantling Kim’s cult of personality occurred in Jul-Aug of 1956. The event took place during the period of de-Stalinization in the USSR. At the time, North Korea had increasingly limited oversight from Russia; the interest Stalin had placed in the DPRK had diminished, along with its influence as well. This created a unique opportunity for the elite ruling class of Korea. They no longer needed to be wary of being purged – as Stalin had done to those who contradicted him before – and they had the freedom to strategize – due to Kim’s absence.

Kim had planned a two month trip to a number of communist countries, including a double booking to Moscow.  He was absent beginning in the 1^st of June and ending around the 19^th of July. As one of my authors points out, “the physical absence of a dictator from his country always provides favorable conditions for discontent” (Lankov 156). Kim, a dictator himself, witnessed the growing opposition with his return. During the time he had been gone, a growing force of Yanan (Chinese interest) faction members, within the KWP (Korean Workers Party), had assembled a number of complaints against Kim’s leadership style. The complaints were first presented to Moscow (in order to pacify the possible shock) and were to be showcased at a plenum shortly following Kim’s arrival, in which the leaders hoped to achieve one of two things: either a public acknowledgement of self-criticism or the weakening of Kim’s presence as a member of the KWP.

However, due to Kim’s vigilance when absent and his vast connections within inner party circles, he was able to sway the general opinion, a few members at a time. Therefore, when it came time for the plenum, Kim had already assembled a number of defendants on his part, subsequently thwarting the efforts of the Korean elite. Despite the failures of the party members to shift public opinion, the language used to canvass their situation has survived through Soviet archives. Some examples are shown below:

Yi P’il-gyu: “Kim Il Sung’s personality cult has become intolerable. He will not brook any criticism or self-criticism. His word is law. He has gathered sycophants and lackeys… around him in the Central committee” (Lankov 159).

            Ch’oe Ch’ang-ok: “I am becoming more and more convinced that Kim Il Sung does not understand how harmful his behavior is. He intimidates everyone. Nobody can voice an opinion on any question…. Sung’s personality cult has infiltrated our party… it has spread… democratic legality is distorted and the Leninist principle of collective leadership is not adhered to” (Lankov 160-161).

The dialogue is highly suggestive of dictatorship. Kim has run away with power, disregarding the opinions of his allies in the process. The inter-party struggle lacks the authority to control the growing threat posed by Kim. Only the Soviet Union could combat his influence at this point, but their attention is turned far away and towards other matters.

Lanʹkov, A. N. From Stalin to Kim Il Sung: The Formation of North Korea, 1945-1960. New              Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers UP, 2002.

Was Age Binary in Ancient Greece?

Chris Gilleard’s “Old Age in Ancient Greece: Narratives of Desire, Narratives of Disgust” discusses one of my major themes at length: the physical plight of the elderly. While old age is mocked for its misfortune in Classical comedy, tragedy, and poetry in general, it is revered in Sparta, particularly because of their Gerousia, or Council of Elders (Gilleard 89). This is an important distinction to make in my paper; it is important for the audience to know that Athenian society, rooted in free, male power, affected the perceptions of the elderly and other marginalized groups.

Like Thomas Falkner (previously mentioned in blog posts) and I, Gilleard examines similar texts; Aristophanes, Sophocles, and Homer are all used in our analyses. But Gilleard concludes something much different than I. He believes that age is binary in ancient Greece: young and old (Gilleard 88-89). I believe it is more complex than this. For example, Aristotle distinguishes two vices in book two of Rhetoric: youth and old age. Implicitly, this means the virtue is somewhere in between; he even mentions “prime age” throughout the explanation of both vices  (Aristotle 109-111). Furthermore, Hesiod describes five distinct age groups in his poem “The Five Races,” and the ideal race is the “Heroes,” who encompass the physical abilities of youth and the experience of age. Falkner also agrees with this notion. In his essay “Homeric Heroism, Old Age and the End of the Odyssey,” he concludes that Odysseus himself consolidates the tension between youth because of his feats in war and his ability to advise the Achaian army (Falkner 29).

Ultimately, while Gilleard’s conclusion is rooted in similar evidence, interpretations can differ vastly. His article was published in 2007, so it provides a fresher, more contemporary gerontological argument – something that was needed to provide a more holistic historiography in my research.

Aristotle. Rhetoric. Trans. W. Rhys Roberts. Hazelton: Electronic Classics Series, 2010. Print.

Falkner, Thomas. “Homeric Heroism, Old Age and the End of the Odyssey.” Old Age in Greek and Latin Literature, edited by Thomas Falkner and Judith de Luce. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989. Print.

Gilleard, Chris. “Old Age in Ancient Greece: Narratives of Desire, Narratives of Disgust.” Journal of Aging Studies 21 (2007): 81-92. Print

Christianity—Buddhism; Participation vs. Identity

Christianity and Buddhism developed separately from each without any possibilities of one influencing or affecting the other. Tillich had the chance to not only converse with Zen Buddhism scholars in the U.S. but also the chance to visit Japan for two months in a “intellectual exchange” (Boss, 262). There are some fundamental differences, as one could guess, between Christianity and Buddhism. Aside from the obvious being and nonbeing, these differences rested on the principle of participation and the principle of identity for Tillich. “One participates, as an individual human being, in the Kingdom of God. One is identical with everything that is in Nirvana” (Tillich, 68). A relationship between self and God is not really possible in Buddhism due to everything and everyone being identical while everyone and everything could not participate in the ultimate in Buddhism as “I am thou” (Boss, 257). Boss italicized on purpose to highlight the different focus between the two religions and made for a clear contrast. It is important to note that the “I” does not cancel out the “thou” in Buddhism. “Any exclusively undifferentiated non-duality in which everything is reduced to a sheer sameness is branded a false sameness” (Tillich, 142). Tillich admitted having trouble understanding “how the individual is simultaneously preserved and not preserved” (Tillich, 148). This contrast between the Western and Eastern religions still essentially focuses on the same question of existence. One focuses on the individual and through the individual one finds existence. The other focuses on everything else but the individual and through nonbeing one will exist.

Boss, Marc. Tillich in dialogue with Japanese Buddhism. Edited by Re Manning, Russell. The Cambridge Companion to Paul Tillich. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009.

Tillich, Paul. Christianity and the Encounter of the World Religions. New York City: Columbia University Press, 1963.

A Traveler at Heart: Joan Vokins

As I have continued to explore Quaker women narratives, I am drawn to the autobiographical renderings of their lives, travels, and sufferings. This week I looked at an account written by Joan Vokins, an English Quaker woman of the seventeenth century.  Published in 1691 shortly after her death, the text is a varied collection of her experiences in the Quaker world and her extensive travels. In fact, Vokins appears a well-travelled globetrotter, making acquaintances and visiting friends both in the Old and New World. Additionally, the author consistently attributes the fortunate happenings of her travels and at the meetings she visited to the Lord, even as she is weary at times from the travel. The text stands as support to the ways in which Quaker women clearly disengaged from the domestic sphere at times (as Vokins left husband and children to missionize), specifically due to an adherence to their spiritually-rooted agency.

Here are two small excerpts from her writing about travel:

in Sandwich, Ireland- “when they came from their worship I met them, first the Mayor and his Company, then the Lawyer and his, and after that the Priest, with many more; and invited all to come to our Spiritual Worship, and I would engage that if any of them, young or old, male or female, had a Message from the Lord to deliver there, that they should have liberty and not be abused” (Vokins 271).            

In New York - “it was with me to go to Long Island, and there the Ranters oppressed Friends, but the Lord had a tender People there...and we were sweetly refreshed together; for God’s Almighty Power was over all, in all Meetings wherever I came, to the subduing of the dark Power that raged in the Ranters....and for its sake my Soul was in deep travel;” (Vokins 265).

The first one is intriguing for the ways in which Vokins approaches the male figures of the town’s power structure. She paints them with entourage in tow, yet still she, as a single person, addresses the audience with a persuasive defense of women’s speaking and an invitation to all for spiritual liberation.

The second quote shows how Vokins places herself centrally at the heart of the “refreshment” of the meetings she visits. Although stressing God’s power, the reader can’t help but be compelled to acknowledge that conflict is resolved “wherever I came” in relation to Joan.  Additionally, the frequent and actual travel that Vokins’s account depicts is reflected by the author in her conception of the “Soul.” In this manner, Joan must have connected her literal travels with spiritual progress as well. The author may have seized travel for spiritual ends, but in some ways, travel also enchanted this Quaker woman and was intermingled with her sense of self and power. I believe her account will be useful to my exploration of Quaker women at large.

 

Vokins, Joan. "God's Mighty Power Magnified." Hidden in Plain Sight: Quaker Women's Writings, 1650-1700. Edited by Mary Garman. Wallingford, PA: Pendle Hill Publications, 1996.

 

 

Another Source on the Dependence Claim

This week I'd like to talk about another article that attacks the interdependence of jus ad bellum and jus in bello, so it looks like I'm not attacking some odd weirdo, so it doesn't seem like I'm using a strawman argument. To that end, I'd like to talk about Jeff McMahan and his "Proportionality in the Morality of War."

In this article, McMahan basically attacks several different "considerations" that he feels are propping up the interdependence of jus ad bellum and jus in bello, namely (1) epistemological considerations, (2) pragmatic considerations, and (3) institutional considerations (McMahan 703-704). Epistemological considerations basically say that one cannot expect soldiers to know the entire jus ad bellum justifications, and as such should merely concern themselves with jus in bello, and as such the two are interdependent (McMahan 703). This McMahan says does not work historically, and honestly comes across as more of an excuse than any sort of reasonable argument (McMahan 703). Pragmatic considerations say that, practically speaking, the only way a military can function is if soldiers assume jus ad bellum so that they can focus their entireties on jus in bello, which McMahan says only defends unjust wars, and doesn't work for just wars (why would one want to keep the rationale for a just war from one's soldiers?), and again, does not work historically (McMahan 704). Lastly, institutional considerations rely on social contract theory, and say that those institutions that declare war are "necessary to achieve important social goods" and as such we have prima facie reason to give our moral support to these institutions, an argument which as McMahan points out pales in the face of the fact that history is full of immoral institutions that gain no such social goods, and such an argument would seek to justify all of them in one fell swoop (McMahan 704).

McMahan's argument is a little more subtle than this, but what I have presented here gets the general gist of the matter, and I believe serves to show that Toner is not the only person asserting the Depenence Claim that I am studying in relation to Augustine's just war theory.

War and Age

In class Monday we talked about how papers regarding age might have to define age.  A tricky thing considering different life expectancies, different accepted norms for age groups, and the events surrounding them.  According to Edmund Drago, "It seemed the children were aging a year each month."  (Drago 2).  This is important to note because in todays society we see children as a somewhat protected class of citizens.  We shelter them from worries as best we can, we try to hide the state of our finances, make sure they don't injure their self, provide a hug or shoulder to cry on during times of emotional grief and so on.  However, when these children's parents and siblings were dying in the front lines in the worst kind of war, they often had to fend for their selves.  Images that todays children would never be permitted to see even on television were occurring in Civil War children's homes as the wounded were brought in off the field of battle. 
I believe I will make clear at the start of the paper that this paper will be about biological age and not the age of a child's emotional state.  For these children had no doubt grew more emotionally by 1865 than many college seniors have.  It is important to stress their biological age versus cognitive/emotional age because these children were dealing with hardships that forced them to mature quickly cognitively.  These children had their youthful ignorance, or innocence, stolen from them by the ravagings of war.

Drago, Edmund L.  Confederate Phoenix: Rebel Children and Their Families in South Carolina.  New York: Fordham University Press, 2008.

Nazis and Commies: Opening Ceremonies of the Olympics in 1936 and 1980

When the 1936 Olympics in Berlin began, a record 110,000 people entered the stadium to see the opening ceremonies. The large record-shattering crowd probably shocked athletes, spectators, and businessmen alike. Nazism was everywhere, from postcards to stamps to blimps. The masses revered Hitler and gave him a 110,000 strong salute when lighting the torch. Take for example the the following image, the German track runner on his way to light the Olympic flame is surrounded by Nazi flags and banners.

No doubt the hammer and sickle infiltrated the propaganda of the 1980 games. Lenin’s face became commonplace to be seen around the Olympic grounds, in posters, stamps, and even in a massive demonstration during the Soviet routine in the closing part of the games. However, other parts of Russian culture and well wishes were on display as well. The opening and closing ceremonies usually features a cultural demonstration featuring dances, cultural heritages and traditions, and classical or typical uniforms and dress patterns of each respective culture. The Soviet ceremony was no different. Mixed in with their socialist propaganda were bears, greetings and salutations, and an overall grand welcoming into the games. Somehow, a massive teddy bear with flowers and the phrase I wish you success (Zhyelayu Uspekha) seems less intimidating than a massive and reverent salute to Hitler. To be clear, the Soviets did place a great amount of importance on the propaganda factor of the games. It does not however, seem to have had as aggressive of an influence as in the Nazi opening ceremonies. This cannot stand alone as separating the two games, but it does make an interesting starting point.

Sources

http://propagander2.tripod.com/index-16.html

http://bleacherreport.com/articles/1268484-the-1936-olympics-a-necessary-reflection-and-the-value-of-a-single-human-being

http://crooksandliars.com/gordonskene/August-3-1980-closing-ceremonies-moscow

http://www.cnn.com/2012/08/07/sport/olympics-2012-moscow-boycott-1980-don-paige/

Dealing with the Huguenots

Europe in the seventeenth century was a time of religious upheaval. Protestants argued that there was corruption within the church and that it needed to be reformed. The protestant movement started, as the name implies, as a protest against the corruption alleged by Martin Luther's Ninety-five Thesis. In some countries violence ensued between the Protestants and Catholics. In others, they were able to live together peacefully.

The Huguenots in France, one such Protestant group, was not so lucky under the reign of Catholic King Louis XIV. Louis XIV asserted that his reign was guaranteed by God. It makes sense why any king would believe this, especially in a time dominated by Christianity.

The Bible states: "Why do the heathen rage, and the people imagine a vain thing? The kings of the earth set themselves against the Lord .... He that sitteth in the heavens shall laugh: the Lord shall have them in derision, then he shall speak unto them His wrath .... Be wise now therefore, O ye kings: be instructed, ye judges of the earth. Serve the Lord with fear." (Psalm 2:1-11)

Therefore, it makes sense why a king ought to take a firm stance against heresy within their realm. It also makes sense why a king might be set up by God, if they only serve as king at the mercy of God's judgment.
   
Beik makes a similar argument. He argues that in order for Louis XIV to claim sacred authority that necessitated religious uniformity within France. In France the protestants were roughly 10% of the population and this resulted in a generation of religious war. King Henry IV issued the Edict of Nantes in order to end these wars. The Edict of Nantes gave the Huguenots official legal status in France. It allowed them to own property, to establish churches where they had already been established with the exception of Paris, and it allowed them the right to trials in court. (Beik p.183) 

To a Catholic zealot this must have looked like surrender. It would have been an insult to God to claim that you are God's representative in France and allow heresy to exist in France. Therefore, Louis XIV had to revoke the Edict of Nantes. The revocation occurred on October 25, 1685 and some of the text is as follows:

1. All temples of the Hugeunots situated in our kingdom, country, lands and all seigneuries within our obedience be immediately demolished. 
2. Our subjects of the supposedly reformed religion are not to assemble for worship in any place or house for any reason. 
3. Ministers of the supposedly reformed religion are to convert or leave the kingdom within fifteen days and are not to preach or perform any functions in the meantime, or they will be sent to the galleys.  
8. Children of parents belonging to the supposedly reformed religion are to be baptized by the chief priests of their parishes and raised as Catholics, and local judges are to oversee this. 


Sources:

Beik, William, editor. Louis XIV and Absolutism: A Brief Study with Documents. Bedford: St.

Martin’s, 2000

Holy Bible, Scofield Reference Bible