The closest anyone has ever come to dismantling Kim’s cult
of personality occurred in Jul-Aug of 1956. The event took place during the
period of de-Stalinization in the USSR. At the time, North Korea had
increasingly limited oversight from Russia; the interest Stalin had placed in
the DPRK had diminished, along with its influence as well. This created a
unique opportunity for the elite ruling class of Korea. They no longer needed
to be wary of being purged – as Stalin had done to those who contradicted him
before – and they had the freedom to strategize – due to Kim’s absence.
Kim had planned a two month trip to a number of communist
countries, including a double booking to Moscow. He was absent beginning in the 1st
of June and ending around the 19th of July. As one of my authors
points out, “the physical absence of a dictator from his country always
provides favorable conditions for discontent” (Lankov 156). Kim, a dictator
himself, witnessed the growing opposition with his return. During the time he
had been gone, a growing force of Yanan (Chinese interest) faction members,
within the KWP (Korean Workers Party), had assembled a number of complaints
against Kim’s leadership style. The complaints were first presented to Moscow (in
order to pacify the possible shock) and were to be showcased at a plenum shortly
following Kim’s arrival, in which the leaders hoped to achieve one of two
things: either a public acknowledgement of self-criticism or the weakening of
Kim’s presence as a member of the KWP.
However, due to Kim’s vigilance when absent and his vast connections
within inner party circles, he was able to sway the general opinion, a few
members at a time. Therefore, when it came time for the plenum, Kim had already
assembled a number of defendants on his part, subsequently thwarting the
efforts of the Korean elite. Despite the failures of the party members to shift
public opinion, the language used to canvass their situation has survived
through Soviet archives. Some examples are shown below:
Yi P’il-gyu: “Kim Il Sung’s personality cult has
become intolerable. He will not brook any criticism or self-criticism. His word
is law. He has gathered sycophants and lackeys… around him in the Central
committee” (Lankov 159).
Ch’oe Ch’ang-ok: “I am becoming more and more
convinced that Kim Il Sung does not understand how harmful his behavior is. He
intimidates everyone. Nobody can voice an opinion on any question…. Sung’s personality
cult has infiltrated our party… it has spread… democratic legality is distorted
and the Leninist principle of collective leadership is not adhered to” (Lankov
160-161).
The dialogue is highly suggestive of dictatorship. Kim has run
away with power, disregarding the opinions of his allies in the process. The
inter-party struggle lacks the authority to control the growing threat posed by Kim. Only the
Soviet Union could combat his influence at this point, but their attention is
turned far away and towards other matters.
Lanʹkov, A. N. From Stalin to Kim Il Sung: The
Formation of North Korea, 1945-1960. New Brunswick,
NJ: Rutgers UP, 2002.
This is very interesting to me because a large focus of my research has been on the challenges made by the Parisian Parliament against the Royal Government when Louis XIV was still a small child. It seems that you're right, when a dictator (Or monarch, but they're one in the same according to Thomas Paine), is not able to directly intimidate people (as in an absence or simply by being a small boy) trouble does brew!
ReplyDeleteI find it interesting that when the people dissented, they reported to the USSR; kinda knocks against the idea that Kim is an independent ruler of an independent country.
ReplyDeleteInteresting point, Tyler. How does Lan'kov get his sources/interviews?
ReplyDelete