Something that
is not often mentioned, but often occurs in traumatic events is the emotional
repercussions of a violent affair. Graham Dawson in “Trauma Place and the Politics
of Memory: Bloody Sunday, Derry, 1972-2004.” Here, Dawson’s intent is laid out
in three parts: the investigation of the cultural and historical context of the
landscape, the analysis of the political repercussions Bloody Sunday had on the
nationalist community, and the exploration of psychological trauma Bloody
Sunday caused individuals. His argument, which is never specifically stated,
reveals itself to be the assertion that cultural community, political pressure,
and especially the upsurge of violence later experienced in the Troubles
created a severe form of trauma for the surviving victims of Bloody Sunday
which has yet to heal.
The town the
Bloody Sunday occurred in was, in itself, a place that had long been in
political contestation. The Protestant unionists
referred to it as Londonderry, effectively showing its willing affiliation with
Great Britain, while the Catholic nationalists saw it as simply Derry (Dawson
157). The Catholics in the area, though a majority in Derry, experienced
massive discrimination from the Protestant community, who controlled the
economic, political, and social affairs. The Bogside, the area of which Bloody Sunday took
place, was a ghetto of sorts delegated to the Catholic community. This segregation
and repression was only intensified by the British military troops, who had
been present in the Bogside since 1970 (Dawson 160).
The political aftermath
of Bloody Sunday, Dawson describes as one that led to an increased
participation in political commemoration. Involvement in the IRA was certainly
a primary outcome of Bloody Sunday; “It stimulated recruitment to the IRA, escalating
and prolonging the war” (Dawson 163). The investigation conducted by British
figures also caused a political uproar, with many nationalists claiming that
the Widgery Tribunal was a ‘whitewash’ which exonerated British soldiers from
any wrongdoing (163). But aside from the violent aspect of politics, Bloody
Sunday also gave way to peaceful methods of commemoration. The Bloody Sunday
Initiative, a group formed by the relatives of Bloody Sunday victims, is such a
group. According to Dawson, their “focus is the future; helping to work for British
withdrawal on to build an independent, pluralistic and democratic Ireland,
based on principles of ‘non-violent action’ and the rejection of bigotry and
sectarianism” (166).
This leaves
Dawson’s main argument, the assertion that the trauma received by victims and
their relatives had severe psychological repercussions. He associates it with
PTSD, and stresses that location and politics play their part in this emotional
trauma. In concerns to location, “personal life stories reveal the often
deeply-troubled and unresolved relation to the specific places where their relatives
were shot and died.” Aside from the fact that the Bogside area still holds
haunting symptoms for the still-living victims, the Widgery report also held a
significant role in their trauma. “Survivors and relatives of the dad have had
to live the lie in their everyday lives, it compounded the original trauma of
violence and loss, prolonging its effects and blocking psychic recovery” (163).
Gerry Adams, the Sinn Fein (IRA) president proclaimed that “’Widgery was a lie
and Bloody Sunday remains pertinent today because it is an open wound’” (Dawson
171).
This article was
written in 2004, when the Saville Inquiry was still in process. However, Dawson
makes critical remarks pertaining to the (then) ongoing report: “Even were
Saville to provide a vindication of the dead, there is no guarantee of
beneficial psychic effects for the living survivors” (174). He ends with
leaving the argument open to whether these victims can ever recover from the
trauma they have experienced for decades; can “the places of atrocity and
trauma” and the people who carry that inside them “ever really be exorcized of
their ghosts" (Dawson 178). I want to explore this further and see if any answer can be
gleaned since the Saville Inquiry has now been released for three years now.
Dawson, Graham.
“Trauma, Place and the Politics of Memory: Bloody Sunday, Derry, 1972-2004.” History Workshop Journal, no. 3 (2005):
151 – 178.
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